While the Iron Curtain has disappeared, what I would call the Zion Curtain lives on, heavily damping and distorting news concerning the Middle East as it appears in the world’s news media, very particularly the print and broadcasting media in the western world. Since my work has been mostly in the field of news reporting and documentary production, I will concentrate in this article on what I have experienced of Zionist censorship in these fields.

Colin D. Edwards
The Link, Volume 26, Issue 3
July - August 1993

This goes back to January, 1949, when a Jewish friend in the United Nations Secretariat warned me that I had been put on the death list by people in Israel who had belonged to the Irgun terrorist organization. They had found out that I would be passing through Egypt on my way to an appointment as a Military Observer in Southeast Asia after a year and a half of free-lance journalism at U.N. headquarters.

In view of the fact that I had nothing published to that point on the Middle East, it seemed ridiculous that I would be thought important enough to be assassinated. However, my friend reminded me that at some party of U.N. people in New York (before Israel was established in May 1948) I had expressed the opinion that it would be dangerous for everyone in the Middle East, including the Jews there, and for world peace, if a Jewish state were set up in Palestine on Zionist principles of Jewish superiority, discrimination against non-Jews in every walk of life and expulsion of the indigenous Muslim and Christian Arabs, and especially if it pursued the expansion of its borders to include all the territory to the East as far as the Euphrates and North to Turkey proper, as had been put forward by the Zionist leadership prior to and during the Peace Conference at Versailles, following the end of the first World War.

It seemed much more sensible and fair, in my view, for Palestine to go through the process that was happening in some other British ruled territories, like India and Burma; that is, of being granted independence, with equality of political, cultural, religious and personal rights guaranteed in a constitution to all its inhabitants. I felt it would be madness for the U.N. to let a European settler minority with no valid ancestral claim to the land of Palestine establish a state there encompassing more than half of its territory, including the bulk of its fertile areas.

Almost all Central and East European Jews are descendants of the ancient Khazars,1 a mixed Turko-Ugrian2 people who had once ruled a large and powerful empire in Ashkenaz (what is now Southern Russia, the Ukraine and the Crimea). Very few, if any, had ever been seen in Palestine before the start of, first, spiritual and, then, political Zionist emigration from Czarist Russia to Palestine in the 19th and 20th centuries.

The Zionist claim of a religious connection to Palestine was equally weak, since the vast majority of Central and East European Jews, including most of the Zionist leadership, were atheists or agnostics by the 20th Century. In fact, it is not at all certain that the order by the Khazar Khan a dozen centuries before had resulted in all his subjects seriously adopting Judaism as their religion.

Saying all this apparently got me into the bad books of the Zionists.

Censorship at the Commonwealth Radio Systems

Nothing untoward happened on my passage through the Middle East in 1949. I returned there in 1969, doing straight reportage and recording dozens of interviews in Egypt, Jordan, Syria and Lebanon for Commonwealth radio systems. CBC-Radio Canada and the New Zealand Broadcasting System used an hour-long conversation I recorded in Beirut in 1969 with Laila Khaled, the Palestinian former schoolteacher who had hijacked a TWA plane in the Middle East in an effort to get the U.S. government to pressure the Israelis into releasing some members of her political faction, the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine, who—they believed—were being tortured in an Israeli prison. When I submitted it to BBC they turned it down, but according to friends of mine at the CBC office in London, segments of it were used a year later (without informing me) when Miss Khaled hijacked an Israeli airliner.3

My interview with Laila Khaled was the first of a series of my programs on the Middle East that NZBS had accepted. But before the second could be put on the air, the NZBS executive who had handled my contributions to their programming for many years told me that, because of political pressures exerted through members of the New Zealand Parliament, NZBS was having to cancel the rest of the series—with deep regret.

In the next few months I completed more programs, including major documentaries, out of the recordings I had made in the Middle East and sent them up to the CBC in Toronto. I had been supplying the CBC with reports from other regions of the world, without any trouble, for most of the previous ten years. Suddenly, I found that a brick wall had gone up as far as receptivity at CBC for my work went. The explanations were politely evasive: “We have covered this subject already,” when I knew they had not, at least not in any depth. The “Zion Curtain” had dropped. Zionist influence is strong and pervasive in Toronto.

During a 1970 visit to the CBC’s Toronto headquarters, where I had been the Program Organizer of a network documentary series in the early 1960’s, I was invited by the executive in charge of another CBC radio network program to produce a one-hour documentary on the history of the Palestinian resistance. He happens to be Jewish, a Jew who—like vast numbers of other Jews—has seen through the Zionist pretension to be the sole representatives of the Jewish people and their traditions and the true heirs of the millions of victims of the Nazi Holocaust.

In that program I put extracts from interviews I had recorded with leading figures in most of the major factions of the P.L.O. Before it was broadcast all across Canada and into U.S. areas along the border, the same CBC executive put out press releases everywhere to emphasize its importance.

However, CBC staff members told me that other program departments of CBC, ones that could take more frequent contributions from outside producers like myself, had received word from a different Jewish executive that my work should not be used.

Gratifying as it was to have the documentary on the Palestine Resistance broadcast, it was clear that my concentration on the Middle East had jeopardized my capacity to make a decent living in radio, unless I was willing to compromise on my duty to bring out all the relevant facts of a situation.

That compromise was one I could not accept.

Censorship at the Pacifica Radio

If I could not get through the “Zion Curtain” in the Commonwealth radio systems on which I had been broadcasting for so many years, perhaps there was a chance in the United States with Pacifica Radio, a non-commercial radio system for which I had done many documentaries and a commentary series on Asian affairs for four years. By then it had stations in Los Angeles, New York and Texas, as well as the “mother station” in Berkeley, California. However, Pacifica was to prove that it itself was not immune.

As I finished the work on each program, I made a copy and gave it to the Public Affairs Director at the Pacifica station in Berkeley, KPFA-FM, Elsa Knight Thompson. She had always welcomed programs I had done around the world and in the U.S. and had put them on in the first available open space in the station’s schedule, usually the nightly Open Hour. This was created to accommodate new developments in the political scene. Frequent announcements were made during the day that my latest documentary would be aired that evening, and a repeat broadcast would be scheduled so that it could be included in the next KPFA folio.

However, that scenario ceased after the airing of the first of the programs made from the material I had recorded in the Middle East in 1969. Mrs. Thompson received the tapes of the subsequent programs as graciously as ever—but they were not put in the first available slot, nor by the time I had completed the next ones, nor until six months after the day I gave her the first.

In May 1970, Mrs. Thompson was promoted to Program Director, and Don Porsche, who had been News Director, succeeded her as Public Affairs Director. He discovered that for the third anniversary week of the June 1967 war she had scheduled eight programs produced in Israel or by Zionist organizations in the United States. In a cupboard he found the tapes of my recent Middle East documentaries that she had chosen not to air, so he decided to put five of these on in the same week as the eight Zionist programs, to provide some sort of balance.

Mrs. Thompson had gone on vacation but, when the first of my latest documentaries had been broadcast, bringing on a storm of protests from local Zionists, she rushed back. Porsche lost his job and the last two or three of my programs were canceled. The time allotted for the last one was reallocated to a round table discussion where I was confronted by a panel of three highly antagonistic Zionists.

Several of the top staff people at the other Pacifica stations were proteges of Mrs. Thompson and soon my programs were banned on all of them. However, non-Pacifica public radio stations around the country that had purchased the right to use a certain number of Pacifica programs each year wanted to continue to receive the programs I was producing. The staff of the Pacifica Foundation, which owned the operating licenses for Pacifica stations, handled the distribution of programs to these non-Pacifica stations. It continued to meet requests for the backlog of my documentaries that it still had, despite strenuous efforts by Mrs. Thompson, without the knowledge of the station manager, to stop it doing so. Shortly after a new manager, Larry Lee, was installed at KPFA, a KPFA staff member told me that Lee had called her and her colleagues to a meeting and told them that he was a Zionist and would not stand for any programs of mine being put back on the air.

The station’s engineer told me that, during the week in June 1970, when the first couple of my programs on the Middle East were broadcast, the station’s doors were shot out twice.

In that same period I received four or five death threats on the phone and one day when I went up the steps from my house to the street above, where my car was parked on the left, I thought they had become serious. Settling into the driver’s seat I noticed in my rear view mirror a car parked on the other side of the road, facing in my direction, in the shade of some eucalyptus trees, about a hundred yards behind me. As I was about to put the key in the ignition I remembered something I needed to take with me that I had left in the house. I jumped out and was just a few steps down towards my front deck when I heard a car drive by and the sound of shattering glass. I went up to the car and found a bullet hole through the front passenger window. The car down the road had disappeared. An Oakland police officer investigated and said that it was probably just a random drive-by shooting.

A week or so later, on a Friday, I found on my answering machine an abusive message that I was to be killed the following Monday. I told the police. They said that I should inform the telephone company and reiterated this when I told them that this seemed like a criminal matter. “The telephone company has a special office to deal with these things,” they said.

I called up the telephone company, where a customer service representative did not seem to know of any such office. She said someone at the company would call me. On Sunday evening (which seemed peculiar) I got a call from a man who identified himself as from the telephone company. He questioned me about the message and asked whether I had received any similar calls before. I said “Death threats, yes, but none of them mentioned a specific date until this time.”

“Have you ever actually been attacked?”

“Shot at once. At least I believe I was the target. You can get the police report.”

“Well, if you get any more threats, let us know.” And that was that. Fortunately, the threat was not carried out.

When I mentioned this incident to a Jewish friend who was a student at the Berkeley campus, he told me that an attempt had been made, not long before, to recruit him into the Jewish Defense League, which had carried out many terrorist actions in the United States, resulting in deaths and injuries.4 He did not want any part of it. What was even more interesting was that the JDL recruiter who had approached him was a long time member of the university faculty, a man I had sat beside at a luncheon in the faculty club for a visiting Israeli military officer, who was on campus to give a talk to U.C.’s R.O.T.C. unit.

I saw Elsa Knight Thompson when I next called in at KPFA, to recover the tapes of my programs. In trying to explain the difficult position that my work had put the station in with some of its wealthiest supporters, she said they were threatening not only to withhold their annual contributions and cut the station out of their wills but also to organize a boycott of the station by all its subscribers.

She also told me that she had been beaten up on the street outside the station, “Who would want to beat you up, Elsa?” I asked.

“Oh, from what they were shouting at me I gathered they were some young Zionists who did not understand that I was a Zionist,” she replied.

“Why didn’t you tell all this—on the air—to your listeners? Lou Hill established KPFA to be a station that could resist all outside pressures. I am sure your listeners would have rallied around the station.”

“We could not afford to lose our big contributors,” she replied. “We would put at risk the very existence of the station, which would mean also all the other programs that we do that commercial stations dare not do, for fear of offending the sponsors.”

“You are falling into the same trap, Elsa. Lou Hill wouldn’t like it.” And on that note, we parted.

Cassette Censorship

In the 1970’s, a group of people connected with a church in Los Angeles that had been trying to get discussion going on the problems of the Middle East invited me to speak at a rally there with a P.L.O. representative and Rabbi Elmer Berger, president of American Jewish Alternatives to Zionism. The L.A.P.D. provided us with police protection but a pipe bomb exploded outside the home of a lady involved in the organizing of our appearances.5

While continuing to supply programs—on subjects other than Middle East politics—to Commonwealth broadcasting systems, I began spending more time lecturing at colleges up and down the West Coast. Since early in 1969 I had been on the speakers’ panel of the College Association for Public Events and Services (C.A.P.E.S.), an organization set up by smaller colleges in California, Oregon, Washington and Arizona to arrange lecture tours of these colleges by people with some expertise in a wide variety of fields.

This gave me the opportunity to continue getting out to the public what I had learned about the politics of the Middle East, as well as on Southeast Asia, my other specialty at that time. Some of the colleges where I spoke on the Middle East were told by local Zionists that if I were invited back they would cut off their financial contributions to them. They also wanted me taken off the C.A.P.E.S. speakers’ list.

To its great credit, the C.A.P.E.S. staff and board resisted these attempts at censorship and kept me on its panel of lecturers year after year but, since C.A.P.E.S. left it to the colleges to choose which speakers would appear on their respective campuses, the “Zion Curtain” pressures began to tell on my bookings, and my last record of a talk under C.A.P.E.S. sponsorship came at the end of 1974.

By that time I had embarked on another means of getting my work out to the public. The University of California Extension Media Center in Berkeley asked me in November 1966 if I would allow them to distribute tape and cassette copies of my documentaries and interviews to universities, colleges and organizations. They started with twelve. By 1971 the list had grown to forty-three, many of which did not deal with the Middle East.

In September that year, with the approval of the U.C. Extension Media Center, I signed an agreement with an audio-cassette program distributor in North Hollywood, C.C.S. (the Center for Cassette Studies), for them to distribute a hundred of my other programs, and C.C.S. selected an additional thirty-eight during the following eight months. These it began selling to schools, colleges and libraries around the U.S.

Among the one hundred and thirty eight programs on which the distribution rights had been bought by C.C.S., twenty-three dealt with the politics of the Middle East. When I granted C.C.S. the rights on the programs, I was assured that there would be no censorship of them. However, as the new C.C.S. catalogues of its audio-cassette offerings appeared in the following months and years, I noticed that none of my Middle East programs was among them. Inquiring about this I learned that the C.C.S. staff member who had selected my programs originally had left the company and his place had been taken by a former Israeli army officer.

About this time, U.C.E.M.C. (the University of California Extension Media Center) asked me if I could give them more programs, including a strong collection on the Middle East. Fortunately, I had been spending a good deal of time in the Middle East, Asia and Europe, recording interviews for further documentaries and lecturing, so I set to work preparing another forty or so programs.

As U.C.E.M.C. distributed these around the country and the world (many orders for those on the Middle East coming from U.S. military institutions) pressure, exerted by California Zionists, began to build on U.C.E.M.C. to drop them. When its director and staff held firm, the Zionists turned to the university’s Board of Regents, one of whom was a prominent Zionist. U.C.E.M.C. was obliged to submit to special meetings of the board its justification for distributing my Middle East programs. Faculty members who were experts on the Middle East were asked to evaluate my programs for accuracy—and they declared favorably on them. However, U.C.E.M.C. was subjected more than once to this time consuming process of justifying its retention of my programs in its catalogue. In what seemed to me a move to placate the complaining Regent, U.C.E.M.C. added to its audio tapes catalogue a large collection of Zionist-prepared or Zionist-approved programs. Eventually, in 1978, U.C.E.M.C. shut down its entire audio-cassette distribution program and concentrated its efforts on selling documentary films.

The Menuhin Censorship

Early in the Seventies I had recorded sixteen hours of conversation with Moshe Menuhin, Yehudi Menuhin’s father, about his life, beginning in Czarist Russia, where he experienced the pogroms, and proceeding on to his school years in Palestine in the early years of this century, to his years in America and then Europe and around the world, and to his retirement in Los Gatos, California. After I had pared the recordings down into eleven one-hour programs, these were distributed by U.C.E.M.C. Also, they were broadcast on KPFA in Berkeley, in a rare let-up of the ban on me.

Moshe Menuhin and I had become good friends and early in 1979 he asked me to work with him on his autobiography. When we had finished, near the end of that year, Moshe startled me by asking me to act as his literary agent, a profession in which I had no experience. I repeatedly declined his request but he was insistent. He was one of the many anti-Zionist Jews whose views are almost totally ignored by the mass media and he feared that, if he died and left the manuscript in the hands of a regular literary agent, that agent might yield to a publisher’s wishes to remove or dilute Moshe’s strong political statements in it. He felt he could trust me not to allow that.

After approaching several American publishers and recognizing a reluctance to publish a manuscript containing lengthy explanations of how Moshe came, as a Jew from a strongly religious family,6 to reject Zionism as a political philosophy, I suggested that I show it to some publishers in Britain, where I thought the “Zion Curtain” was not quite so all-enveloping. If “The Menuhin Saga,” as we had titled it, achieved the hoped-for success in Britain, then it would be harder for U.S. publishers to turn it down out of hand.

So, off I went to London to talk with publishers there. Many expressed the same reservations about its anti-Zionist viewpoint but eventually I found five of Britain’s leading publishers who were ready to make offers. Within days of these being communicated to me, the editorial directors at three of these publishing houses telephoned me with the news that, despite the favorable recommendations of their editorial boards to their board of directors, the decisions to offer to publish ”The Menuhin Saga” had been reversed.

This left me with two publishers willing to bring out “The Menuhin Saga”, Quartet and Sidgwick & Jackson. We chose Sidgwick & Jackson. While cutting the manuscript down to make a 280-page book I was told by the publisher that we could not leave in it a reference by Moshe to the Zionist collaboration with the Nazis before and during World War II [on page 229], unless I could provide documentation. I gave them more than five hundred lines of references, mostly Jewish sources, like Jewish newspapers of the 1930’s, as well as official documents in archives in Europe and Israel. Only ten lines of my documentation appear in the published form of “the Menuhin Saga.”

The British edition of “The Menuhin Saga” was published in the Fall of 1982 but only two small ads were placed in the media for it, one in a London neighborhood paper and one in the London Zionist newspaper, The Jewish Chronicle, which ran a nasty article on Moshe without really addressing the issues that he was raising in the book. The book was not displayed at the Frankfurt Book Fair that October, nor even in Sidgwick & Jackson’s display window, below its offices, in London, at least not on the days I checked there.

The Literary Editor of the London Times placed “The Menuhin Saga” on a list of the most interesting books published in Britain that week, but the Times did not publish a review. Neither did any of the other national papers. There were reviews in provincial papers and in the Irish Press, Dublin, and almost all were laudatory.

Despite the lack of advertising but probably due to the good reviews in the smaller papers, sales of “The Menuhin Saga” seem to have gone well. Unfortunately, instead of 8,000 copies being produced in the first printing, as I had been told would be done when I was discussing the contract with Sidgwick & Jackson, only 2,000 were printed. This I discovered much later.

In my approaches to publishers on the European mainland, to interest them in producing translations of “The Menuhin Saga,” I needed to let them have copies of the British edition, but I found that Sidgwick & Jackson could not round up enough copies to sell to me for this purpose. I had to look in bookstores on the Continent that I knew carried English-language books. Many of the fifty I ended up buying I found in bookshops in Zurich, Luzern, Lausanne and Geneva.

In Paris I suspected that the branch there of W.H. Smith would not be selling it, and this proved to be true. The only chance was Brentano’s, on the Avenue de l’Opera. I telephoned in advance, to make sure. “Oh, yes,” a male voice said, “We have it.”

“I’ll need a dozen,” I said.

“Ah, I am afraid we are having to ration our customers to two each. There is such a demand for it.”

“O.K. I’ll come over and get two.”

When I got to Brentano’s, I could not immediately find the gentleman there to whom I had spoken, so I looked around to see where “The Menuhin Saga” was displayed. It was nowhere in sight. When the salesman who had talked to me on the phone appeared, I asked if all the copies had been sold. “No,” he said. “We keep them in a cupboard.”

In the same year that the British edition appeared, a French translation of “The Menuhin Saga” was published by Editions Payot, in Paris, under the title “La Saga Des Menuhin.” With very few exceptions, the French edition got good reviews in French newspapers. It has sold out and a new publisher, to do a reprint, is being sought, as also for the sold-out British edition.

In 1985 Schweizer Verlagshaus in Zurich brought out, in hardcover, under the title “Die Menuhins”, a German translation of “The Menuhin Saga” by Lexa Katrin Grafin von Nostitz, a relative of a gentleman I had interviewed about his role in getting Jews and dissidents out of Nazi Germany. More than a hundred German publishers had turned down the book, mostly with the explanation that it was difficult for them, as Germans, to handle a book that was critical of Israel. They feared that might be considered pro-Nazi, despite the fact that the author was a Jew. They would not be swayed by my pointing out that the people they were afraid of offending had collaborated with the Nazis in the 1930’s during the war.7 I faced the same problem with German publishers when I tried to get them interested in books by some other friends: Lenni Brenner, Alan Hart, Alfred M. Lilienthal and Donald Neff, whose well-documented works upset Zionist sensibilities.

However, in 1987 one of the leading German pocketbook publishers, Deutscher Taschenbuch Verlag, in cooperation with Barenreiter Verlag, produced a paperback edition of Grafin von Nostitz’s translation of “The Menuhin Saga.”

Dutch and Scandinavian publishers proved particularly resistant to the idea of issuing translations of Moshe’s book, sometimes saying that they would not want to offend Israel and the Jews, making no distinction between them. In the case of a publisher in Finland and one in Denmark, they were on the point of signing a contract when they decided that they had better first ask a prominent Jew they knew about his reactions to the book. In each case, the Jew they chose to consult disagreed strongly with Moshe’s viewpoint, and the publishers withdrew their offers for the Finnish and Danish translation rights.

In 1989, Forlaget Hovedland in Arhus published a Danish translation of “The Menuhin Saga” under the title “Min Familie: Menuhin-Sagaen.”

I must have talked personally with around two hundred U.S. publishers about their issuing an American edition of the Saga, and I provided copies of the British edition to twenty or thirty, few of whom returned them. Some told me frankly that they did not dare touch it, because of Moshe’s strong antipathy towards Zionism. Others said that it did not suit their list. So far, only one publisher here has expressed a willingness to bring out a U.S. edition and that offer came with the condition that we take out of the book a warm letter of praise and appreciation Moshe had received from Yasser Arafat.8 Believing that Moshe would not have been willing to have that deleted, we declined the offer.

So, Americans who wanted to read “The Menuhin Saga” have had to order copies from England, and the publisher’s stock there was completely exhausted years ago. Two American libraries that ordered it while copies still were available are the San Francisco Public Library and the Berkeley Public Library. I received a postcard from the San Francisco Library telling me that it had arrived. There is much about San Francisco and the history of its symphony orchestra in Moshe’s account of his life, because he spent eight years as the founder and Superintendent of the Hebrew schools there, attended the San Francisco Symphony’s performances regularly with his wife and small son Yehudi (who gave his first concerts in the city) and, in 1934, had a hand in bringing Pierre Monteaux in to rebuild that orchestra after a period in which its standards had declined.

I telephoned the San Francisco Library and inquired as to which section they had chosen to place “The Menuhin Saga” in. I was interested in knowing if it had gone into the Music Department or was among the books on history. I felt the latter would be a more appropriate choice. They told me it was in a special section devoted to books on San Francisco history.

On my next visit to that city I called by at the library to introduce myself. I showed the postcard to the lady at the special collection desk and she disappeared into an office. Soon, another lady appeared and in a very agitated voice declared that they did not have the book, that they had never ordered it. I asked, “But the postcard! And when I telephoned, I was told it had arrived and was in this section.”

“No. There must have been a mistake.”

“Will you be ordering it? There is a lot about San Francisco in it.”

“No. We won’t.” She was visibly nervous and walked away.

When the Berkeley Public Library informed me that they had purchased a copy of the British edition of “The Menuhin Saga,” I stopped by and found it in the card catalogue in the Music department, but it was nowhere to be seen on the shelves. “It must be out on loan,” a librarian said.

There were quite a number of people I know in Berkeley who were checking frequently to see if it was on the shelf or if they could reserve it but, in the ensuing eight years, neither they nor I have been able to find it. Recently, a librarian friend there said that it must have been stolen.

Censorship at KALW-FM San Francisco

In March 1990 a producer at KALW-FM, a public radio station owned by the San Francisco Unified School District, invited me to do a weekly commentary, of an “Op-Ed” nature, on world affairs. After decades of just straight reporting, producing documentaries and recording interviews in many countries, I thought it was time that I shared with the public some conclusions I had arrived at, as well as some historical background on situations abroad that were important, especially information that had been sadly lacking in the mass media, as I had observed it. I would bring out facts that correspondents would tell you if you sat down personally with them but had not been able to say on the air or get into print.9

These commentaries went on the air on March 28, 1990. I was allowed ten minutes and they were broadcast at 9:35 a.m. each Wednesday. Among the governments I dealt with very critically in the next two years and three months were, in addition to Israel: Lebanon, Cambodia, Thailand, South Africa, Malaysia, Indonesia, Taiwan, Singapore, Saudi Arabia, Vietnam, Korea, Turkey, Yugoslavia, Germany, Burma, Kuwait, England, Iraq, the United States, and my own land of origin, Wales.

Beginning with the August 22, 1990 commentary, my weekly air time was cut to between five and six minutes.

My reports and comments on Israeli government actions brought frequent complaints from local Zionist organizations and individuals. Station Manager Daniel Del Solar told me of these every time I encountered him at the station. In a letter responding to a pro-Israeli listener who had complained of some things he claimed I had said (but had not) in my “vile” commentaries, Del Solar identified a senior member of his staff as “a strong supporter of Edwards.” I considered this a betrayal by him of a subordinate. Also, what if that listener was a member of the murderous Jewish Defense League or had friends in it? They might have gone after that named staff member. I am the only one who should be responsible for my remarks and I accept the risks associated with them. No one else should be victimized on account of me.

One day, when I encountered Del Solar at the station, he said: “Aren’t you anti-Semitic?” On another occasion, when I suggested he invite William M. Mandel, author of “Soviet But Not Russian,”10 about non-Russian republics and minorities in the old Soviet Union, and six other books on the U.S.S.R., to do some commentaries on the break up of that empire, Del Solar replied: “No. I don’t think so. He was a member of the communist party, as you were.”

The fact is that Mandel quit the communist party in 1956, over the Soviet invasion of Hungary and the Russians’ brutal suppression of the Hungarian revolution, and he has a considerable reputation as a scholar. As for myself, I never was a member of the communist party. In fact, ever since I became politically aware in my secondary school days I have regarded the totalitarian communist system of single party rule, denial of freedom of speech, secret police methods and labor camps for political dissidents as repugnant.

I saw Del Solar’s sly insinuations as attempts to provoke me into “walking out” of the station in high dudgeon and giving up my program slot but I remembered what some senior members of his staff had told me once: “Just ignore him. We do.” After all, my real relationship there was with my listeners, dozens of whom had written letters praising my programs and many more who had telephoned the station expressing their strong support for them. I did not want to let them down just because of the idiotic remarks of Del Solar.

Del Solar’s animosity took on a more insulting tone at one stage. Shortly after I started doing my commentaries for KALW, the station staff had told me that the tape I was using to record them in the small studio I have in my home was not up to their standard and that I must use some of their tape. Since I was not being paid for my commentaries, nor for my expenses in delivering them to the station in San Francisco from my home across the Bay, they felt that the station should provide the tape, anyway.

When recording my commentaries, I often did some last minute editing, which means that there were splices in them. The station staff made it very clear that they did not reuse tape with splices in it. I was glad to hold on to the tapes because I had discovered that KALW did not maintain the old radio custom of making and keeping “air-checks” (i.e. recordings) of its broadcasts. Knowing that I might be challenged on what I was saying in my commentaries, I wanted a record—on tape—of them all.

One day I received a phone call from Del Solar accusing me of taking station property because I had used station tape and retained the recordings of my commentaries. I was outraged at this but he continued to put that construction on the arrangement I had with his staff. So, from then on I purchased tape out of my own pocket to do my commentaries.

On June 30, 1985, I had read in that day’s San Francisco Examiner, the Hearst flagship newspaper, a report on an interview with a member of the San Francisco Board of Supervisors (City Council), Quentin Kopp, titled “Kopp’s Israel Diary.” In it, Kopp described the month he had just completed as a “Volunteer for Israel,” unpacking military supplies at a warehouse on an Israeli jet fighter base in the Negev. The article said: “It’s difficult to see how the Israeli Defense Forces got their money’s worth out of San Francisco Supervisor Quentin Kopp... In the volunteer program, interested persons pay $500 for plane fare. In exchange, Israel gives them boots, fatigue uniforms, three meals a day and a warm place to sleep. They also get buck-private’s jobs on Israeli military bases for thirty days.”

Illustrating the interview was a photo of Kopp and two friends, all in Israeli uniform, at the air base near the town of Arad. Describing what Kopp had told him of one incident there, the reporter wrote: “Kopp and his friends made the mistake of wearing their uniforms on a visit to the Red Sea resort of Taba Beach, and they got rousted by Israeli soldiers in civvies. That’s because both Israel and Egypt claim Taba Beach and, in the Camp David Accords, Israel promised not to station uniformed troops there.”

In the July 3, 1985 issue of The San Francisco Chronicle, that city’s principal morning paper, there were two articles referring to Supervisor Kopp and the program that took him and other foreigners, Jews and non-Jews, to Israel to don Israeli military uniforms. One of the articles was titled “A Stint in the Israeli Reserves: Rewards of Roughing it in Reserves.” It noted that “since 1982 and the start of the Lebanon war, more than 3,000 Jews, most of them American but including English and South African, have paid their way to Israel to ease the shortage in the Israel Defense Force.”

“Easing the shortage in a military force” well describes the function of a military reserve.

The other article, illustrated by two more snapshots of Kopp in Israeli uniform, consisted of excerpts from Kopp’s diary for the 30 days he spent in the Israeli military in 1985. They included the following verbatim statements: “May 22 :.. In the afternoon I help Limor (another volunteer) move a bomb to the flight repair shop.... May 22: about 9:30 a.m. there’s a flamboyant ceremony to celebrate the promotion of Ori, Miri and a third soldier (Dorit) to corporal... June 16: ... We turn in our uniforms.”

The day after those articles appeared in the San Francisco Chronicle, I happened to hear Kopp describing his service on the Israeli air bases on a radio talk show, the Ron Owens program, on the ABC radio outlet in San Francisco, KGO. Kopp recommended a stint in the “Volunteers for Israel” program to Owens and his listeners, explaining that anybody between 18 and 65, or 62, years of age, including women, were welcome to join. He repeatedly gave an address and a telephone number through which interested persons could get information and application forms. “If you are stuck and can’t get through [on the phone] or something," he said, “call my office and I’ll be happy to give you the information... I’ve already had somebody write me from Walnut Creek who isn’t Jewish, an ex-Marine Corps pilot. As a matter of fact, he flew Skyhawks, he said, and he wants to get into the program. And so I sent him the address and the telephone number.”

At least a couple of callers on the program described how they had been going over to Israel as “volunteers for Israel” year after year, one to serve as a tank driver.

I recalled all this when I was preparing my September 11, 1991 KALW commentary, in which I was remarking on Zionist influence in American politics and said that I had heard of public officials in the U.S. serving in “the Israeli armed forces reserves,” and gave Quentin Kopp, by now a California State Senator, as a local example.

That term “reserves” had been used twice by the San Francisco Chronicle in its description of the “Volunteers for Israel” program and I think the words “armed forces reserves” accurately describes the nature of the “Volunteers for Israel” program, even though “armed forces volunteer reserves” would have been more precise. They all constitute forms of “military reserves.”

From a friend who reads the Northern California Jewish Bulletin regularly I heard that its November 22, 1991, issue had an item reading: “California State Senator Quentin Kopp (Independent, San Francisco) retracted his threat to file a libel suit against S.F. radio station KALW this week after the station promised to air an apology for broadcasting a statement that Kopp had been in the Israeli military. Colin Edwards, an occasional [sic] guest commentator on the station, told a radio audience, September 11, that Kopp had served in Israeli Defense Force [sic] and advocated other Americans join the Israeli reserves. Actually, Kopp had lent his services to Volunteers for Israel, an American organization that places Americans—who pay their own way—in non-paid IDF support positions for several weeks at a time.”

I had not received from KALW’s manager, Daniel Del Solar, any indication that it had been threatened with a lawsuit by Senator Kopp because of anything I had said on the air, or that it intended to apologize to him. This was an extreme discourtesy to me but when I brought this up with Del Solar he was absolutely unapologetic.

I supplied him with copies of the 1985 issues of the San Francisco Chronicle and Examiner containing the articles quoting Kopp on his service at the Israeli air force base and the photographs of him in Israeli uniform, as well as verbatim transcriptions of the relevant Kopp remarks on the Ron Owens talk show. Yet, Del Solar said he planned to go ahead with his broadcast apology to Kopp.

On November 27, 1991, Del Solar went on the air on KALW and apologized to Kopp for my allegedly “erroneous statements” in my Sept. 11 commentary.

Early in 1992, Del Solar told me he was giving the Israeli Consulate General a chance to respond to remarks made about his government’s actions by myself and another KALW commentator, Sasha Futran (who was also taken off the air soon after me). It was to be a lengthy interview conducted by Del Solar. In his introduction to the interview, Del Solar declared: “In the June, 1967 War, Israel was not considered the aggressor. It was under attack by Egypt, Syria and Jordan and, when it fought back, it occupied the land.” (Del Solar apparently didn’t know that even Israeli generals and politicians have discarded this myth.)

On June 22, 1992, a KALW staff member telephoned me to say that I was being taken off the air on the orders of Daniel Del Solar. I called Del Solar and he said it was because he needed my six-minute commentary spot for programming of a more educational nature. I remarked: “Oh, come on, your decision was political.” “Everything is political,” he responded.

My last commentary was broadcast on July 1, 1992. At its end I told the listeners: “This is the last of my regular commentaries on KALW. It was not my decision to stop. This station has received many objections to my remarks from the Israeli Consulate General and Zionist organizations and individuals.”

When listeners telephoned Del Solar to object to my commentaries being taken off the air, Del Solar told them that my statement was a lie. That he was not responding to any outside pressure.

An investigative reporter for the San Francisco Weekly, the only Bay Area paper to say anything about my termination, wrote in its July 19, 1992 issue: “Outspoken radio commentator Colin Edwards has been fired from KALW-FM after a months-long campaign by the Jewish Anti-Defamation League and the threat of a lawsuit by state Senator Quentin Kopp... The Kopp incident spurred the Anti-Defamation League (ADL) into action. Assistant Director Nancy Diner said last week 'We started transcribing [Edwards’] shows to check for accuracy. We wrote many protest letters to the station.’ Diner said that, although it was not the ADL’s intention to force Edwards off the air, one member of the group recently compiled a list of Edwards’ alleged inaccuracies and took them to station manager Daniel Del Solar in a personal effort to get Edwards fired.

“Del Solar denied that the campaign against Edwards figured in his decision to end Edwards’ four-year-old program. ‘He was getting boring,’ Del Solar said. But producer Alan Farley confirmed that outside pressure provoked the firing. ‘Edwards’ commentaries have drawn a lot of flack from the Israeli consulate and elsewhere in the Jewish community,’ he said. ‘Our station manager finally got tired of dealing with it.’

“Loyal listeners, upset at the decision, jammed the station switchboard with irate calls for half an hour after Edwards announced that the July 1 program was his last, Farley said.”

Del Solar responded to the article in a letter to the editor of the San Francisco Weekly, stating: “Mr. Edwards’ journalistic integrity was completely compromised in my mind by the lie he stated on the air during his six-minute KALW commentary. Edwards said, or inferred strongly enough for listeners to consider as fact, that I had been forced by the Israeli Consulate and other ‘Zionist forces’ to remove Edwards from the air.”11

Nancy Diner of the ADL wrote to the San Francisco Weekly disclaiming “credit for something with which we had little to do. For our part, we simply asked KALW’s management for an equal opportunity to be heard. No attempt at censorship. No attempt to get Edwards fired. Kudos to KALW for recognizing its editorial responsibility.”12

Her letter brought a rejoinder from a member of KALW’s advisory board, Herbert G. Susmann, who wrote, in a letter to the editor of the San Francisco Weekly: “I was present at a KALW board meeting on April 30 when the then-manager [Daniel Del Solar] read a letter from B’nai B’rith asking for the removal of Mr. Edwards. ...In fact, in a July 31 memo to a member of the school administration, the station manager stated that “important organizations in the Jewish community communicated their desire to have Mr. Edwards removed from KALW.’”

The final paragraph of a July 15, 1992 San Francisco Weekly article on my being taken off the air by Del Solar reads: “The San Francisco school district runs the station, and school board member Tom Ammiano called for an investigation into Edwards’ firing. ‘I am concerned about censorship,' he said. 'It’s not up to Del Solar to decide these things. The board sets policy. We don’t want to look as though we cave in to pressure, although we always do.’”

Knowing of the Board of Education’s pressing financial problems I delayed getting in touch with it until March 22, when I wrote to its president, Mr. Ammiano, demanding a public apology for Del Solar’s public attacks on my journalistic standards and personal integrity. The Schools Superintendent wrote to me a few days later, saying that I would receive a response within ten days but, despite a further enquiry (by phone) and another promise of an early response, to this date of writing (May 25, 1993) I have heard nothing further from the Board regarding my demand for an apology, nor has there been any news of an investigation into Del Solar’s actions.

The ADL Spy Operation

Meanwhile, since December 10, 1992, a scandal involving the Anti-Defamation League has been developing. On that date, FBI agents and investigators for the San Francisco District Attorney’s Office raided the San Francisco and Los Angeles offices of the ADL, and the homes of a veteran (39-year) undercover spy for the ADL, Roy Bullock, and a recently retired San Francisco Police intelligence officer, Tom Gerard. Gerard had been filching from police files confidential information on a wide range of political groups and activists, mostly on the Left and among Black and other ethnic minorities, and feeding them to Bullock, who also was a paid informant for the South African intelligence service.

The police say that some of these illegally acquired files found their way into the ADL offices. An ADL spokeswoman, Barbara Wahl, has revealed that the ADL passes information on to the government of Israel, a fact that has been suspected for many years. An article by the Jewish investigative journalist Robert I. Friedman in the Village Voice of May 11, 1993, quoted from a July 7, 1961 letter from the ADL’s National Director (1946-1963) Ben Epstein to Saul Joftes, Executive Secretary of B’nai B’rith (the parent organization to the ADL), requesting $25,000 for his ADL spies. Epstein explained in the letter: “Our information, in addition to being essential for our own operations, has been of great value to both the United States State Department and the Israeli government. All data have been made available to both countries with full knowledge to each that we were the source.”13

Epstein’s Associate National Director and, for forty-six years (1940-1986), the General Counsel for the ADL, Arnold Foster, wrote in his autobiography, “Square One,”14 that, from the time he took up his post in the ADL and until he retired, he operated a network of undercover agents who were infiltrated into many organizations disliked by the ADL and used methods that can surely be considered burglary. He describes how his “investigators” would gain the confidence of the targets of their spying and then, in their absence and without their knowledge, open file cabinets of confidential documents in their homes or offices and photograph the contents. At times when their targets returned to the premises while Forster’s spies were at work, one ADL spy hid in a coal bin; another escaped with an accomplice over a rooftop.15

Forster even admitted in the book that he acted as “a source” for the Israeli intelligence and terrorism agency, Mossad.16

Robert J. Friedman, the New York Village Voice reporter, won the 1989 Smolar Award for Excellence in North American Jewish Journalism, which is presented by the Council of Jewish Federations. In his book “The False Prophet” (Lawrence Hill Books, 1990), about the leader of the Jewish Defense League, Meir Kahane, Friedman charged that a top official in the Brooklyn office of the ADL for many years, Bernard Deutsch, was a key member of a covert group that oversaw some of the Jewish Defense League’s terrorist actions in the U.S. Other members of the group included Yitzak Shamir (1940’s Stern Gang terrorist, Mossad’s Chief of Operations until 1965 and, later, Prime Minister of Israel), and also three top Mossad officers, several Israeli army officers (who gave weapons training in Israel to American Jewish youths in the JDL), several wealthy American and Israeli businessman, and former Irgun terrorist and current Knesset Member Geula Cohen. The group’s operations in support of the ADL were financed from the profits of Deutsch’s investment business before he was indicted and convicted of stock fraud and tax evasion in 1975.

According to Friedman, the convicted Mossad spy Jonathan Pollard “wrote to friends that a prominent ADL leader was deeply involved in the Israeli spy operation” [in which] “Pollard ...while assigned to the Navy’s Anti-Terrorist Alert Center, where he had access to the most closely guarded U.S. secrets, ...stole thousands of pages of classified documents for Israel, which, according to federal prosecutors, ‘could fill a room the size of a large closet ...ten feet by six feet by six feet.’” Robert Friedman added: “Pollard’s [Mossad] handler was Avi Sella, an Israeli Air Force Colonel whose wife worked for the New York ADL as a lawyer... In 1987, the ADL came under FBI scrutiny in the wake of the Pollard spy scandal.”17

The ADL spy network is now headed by Irwin Suall, Director of the ADL’s “Fact Finding” department in New York. Bullock works under him as his “No. 1 investigator.”18 Suall’s spying system works closely with one run by AIPAC, the American Israel Public Affairs Committee. The latter’s spy operation was exposed in articles in the July 1992 issue of the Washington Report on Middle East Affairs by its Executive Editor, Richard H. Curtiss (pp. 88-89) and by a former (1990-1991) AIPAC “opposition researcher,” Gregory D. Slabodkin (pp. 7-8, 89-91), in a story by Sheldon L. Richman in the October 1992 issue (pp. 62-64) of the same journal, and in a piece by Robert L. Friedman in the August 4, 1992 issue of Village Voice (p. 31).

Slabodkin, now in Israel, was quoted by Friedman in a later article in the Village Voice (May 11, 1993), p. 31) as saying: “The level of cooperation [between the ADL and AIPAC] was very close. If we felt our files were lacking, we contacted the ADL.”

Among the Arab-American groups targeted by Bullock was the American-Arab Anti-Discrimination Committee (ADC). He personally infiltrated it so successfully that the ADC chose him to head an ADC delegation to lobby San Francisco Congresswoman Nancy Pelosi. In a strategy to help the ADL discredit the ADC, Bullock even got some of his neo-Nazi and White Supremacist contacts to attend ADC meetings and apply for membership.19

ADL spokespersons maintain that they have done nothing illegal in their employment of Bullock and that they have cooperated fully with the police. The police say it has not and, on that basis, got search warrants for a second raid on ADL offices in San Francisco and Los Angeles on April 8, 1993, seizing documents that they say the ADL had promised to provide before but had not.

Politics has entered the picture. In Los Angeles the L.A. Police Department did not cooperate with San Francisco police investigators and the FBI, saying it was “a sensitive matter.”

San Francisco police say that there are now police officers and sheriffs all over the U.S. feeding confidential information from government files on activist groups and just plain critics of Israel to ADL spies like Bullock. Tom Gerard, the former San Francisco police intelligence officer who did this, was among many U.S. law enforcement officials who took ADL-sponsored, all-expenses-paid, two-week trips to Israel to be shown Israeli methods of dealing with unruly Arabs and to receive political briefings. Also taking one of these junkets, when he was the Police Chief, was the current mayor of San Francisco, Frank Jordan.

Jordan’s election campaign is said to have been dreamed up at a meeting between journalist Warren Hinckle, lawyer Jack Davis and State Senator Quentin Kopp (the man who threatened KALW with a lawsuit over my statement that he had served in the Israeli armed forces reserves).

Kopp was interviewed by the San Francisco Daily Journal,20 a legal paper, about a class action suit taken out against the ADL by former Congressman Paul N. (“Pete”) McCloskey, Jr., who with his wife Helen was among the spying targets of Bullock. The plaintiffs in the suit included me. Kopp told the Daily Journal reporter that I was “a notorious anti-Semite” and said that he was dismayed that McCloskey would associate himself with me.

On the advice of a lawyer friend I wrote a letter to the editor of the Daily Journal giving broadcast dates and publication dates of reports I had done on Nazi atrocities against Jews and the reemergence of Nazis in the West German military, police and judicial establishments, of my interviews with Dr. Israel Shahak and other Israelis, of my work with Moshe Menuhin on his autobiography, and of other works of mine that illustrate that my criticism has not been of Jews, as Jews, but of Zionist ideology and Israel’s policies and actions.

On May 5, 1993, the San Francisco Daily Journal published a truncated version of the two pages the editor had said he would print in the Letters to the Editor section. While it kept in full a section where I described critical commentaries I had done on Arab regimes, it cut out completely my mentions of interviews I had done with leaders of the ANC, ZANU and SWAPO African liberation movements (in the early 1970’s) who talked of Israel’s close ties with Apartheidist South Africa, interviews with Israeli dissidents who described oppression of Palestinians, interviews with Ashbal (P.L.O. “Young Lions”) youngsters who talked of their respect for Jews like Israel Shahak and Moshe Menuhin, my report from Syria on the situation of the Jewish community there that, like similar reports by Mike Wallace and a National Geographic reporter, contradicted Zionist propaganda on the subject, my commentaries on Zionist collaboration with the Nazis, Italian fascists and Japanese militarists before and during World War II, and on the Israeli attack on the U.S.S. Liberty, and the strange circumstances surrounding the death of Norman Wallen, who was planning to make a film on that incident that would have featured prominently the heroism of two Jewish members of the Liberty’s crew.

As for former Police Inspector Tom Gerard, he returned from his hideaway in the Philippines on May 6 and was immediately arrested on eleven hastily-drawn felony charges. The number of charges was reduced the following day, as was the bail (from $250,000 to $20,000). He claims he left the Philippines because he feared the CIA would try to have him killed there after he had threatened to blow the whistle on CIA involvement with death squads in Central America, where he served as a CIA agent from 1980 to 1984, if he was indicted in the ADL spying case.

On May 10, in a development that surprised everyone with knowledge of the tremendous political influence wielded by Zionists in San Francisco, as elsewhere in the country, “a source close to the criminal probe” told the San Francisco Examiner that “top officials of the Anti-Defamation League are the ultimate targets of the San Francisco District Attorney’s domestic spying investigation...Gerard and Bullock are only ‘cogs’, the source said.”21

It seems that at last a small dedicated group of public servants are willing to challenge the might of Zionist influence over the political, law-enforcement and judicial establishments in this country in order to protect the constitutional rights of ordinary citizens and residents.

However, in contrast, judging by the near complete blacking out by most of the newspapers and other media in this country and abroad of this important story of ADL spying and the involvement of many law-enforcement officers nationwide, the heavy weight of the “Zion Curtain” is still being felt, almost smothering the public’s right to know what it needs to know about matters affecting everyone.22

Colin Edwards has been a correspondent, broadcaster and lecturer for over 40 years.


1. See THE JEWISH ENCYCLOPEDIA, THE ENCYCLOPEDIA JUDAICA, THE ENCYCLOPEDIA BRITANNICA, Arnold Toynbee’s A STUDY OF HISTORY, H.G. Wells’ AN OUTLINE OF HISTORY, C. Roth’s THE WORLD HISTORY OF THE JEWISH PEOPLE (VOL. II), Harry I. Shapiro’s THE JEWISH PEOPLE, H.H. Graetz’s HISTORY OF THE JEWS, W. Ripley’s THE RACES OF EUROPE, the writings of Dr. Hillel Nathan of Hebrew University-Hadassah Medical School and Dr. Norman Golb of the University of Chicago on the subject, the 10th Century “Khazar Correspondence” (between the Spanish Jew Hasdai ibn Shaprut and the Khazar Khan) and other Hebrew documents translated by Judah Halevi in 1140 and published by J. Buxtorf in 1660.

2. RACES OF MANKIND; THEIR ORIGIN AND MIGRATION by Calvin Kephart, L.L.M., D.C.I.., Ph.D. (Philosophical Library, New York, 1960), pp. 157, 316, 516.

3. Irving Calderon, a henchman of JDL leader Meir Kahane, is quoted by Robert I. Friedman in his book FALSE PROPHET, page 120, as saying that the JDL directed two JDL man-and-wife teams to go to London to assassinate Miss Khaled. One team, Avraham Herschkovitz and his wife Nancy, were arrested when they tried to board a BOAC flight in New York. The other team, already in London, fled to Israel when they heard of the Herschkovitzs’ arrest.

4. See “FBI Analysis of Terrorist Incidents and Terrorist Related Activities in the U.S.” reports that were issued annually from 1982 to 1986 but then ceased to be made public. JDL founder and leader Meir Kahane did some spying for the FBI, and several memos from the FBI’s New York office and the FBI’s Division five (racial intelligence section) proposed using the JDL against militant Black groups there, according to Robert I. Friedman’s book THE FALSE PROPHET (Lawrence Hill Books, 1990), pages 2-3 and 94-95. See also HEIL KAHANE by Israeli journalist Yair Kotler, translated from the Hebrew by Edward Levin (Adama Books, 1986)

5. In 1971, according to Robert I. Friedman, in his book FALSE PROPHET, page 119, Meir Kahane had ordered JDL bomb makers to serrate the outside of their pipe bombs to make them more lethal. This came about when Kahane saw that the results of JDL bombings of Black institutions in New York were not up to his expectations.

6. On his mother’s side he was descended from the founder of the Lubavich wing of hasidism and had spent part of his time as a small boy in the “court” of his uncle, the chief Rabbi, in Lubavich, west of Smolensk, and later became a student at a “Heder”, a religious school, in Palestine.

7. For a succinct summary of Zionist collaboration with the Nazis and also with the Italian fascists and Japanese militarists before and during World War II, read Lenni Brenner’s ZIONISM IN THE AGE OF THE DICTATORS (Lawrence Hill, Westport, Connecticut, and Croom Helm, Beckenham, Kent, U.K., both in 1983).

8. Whenever I visited Palestinian schools, including those for orphans of killed P.L.O. guerrillas who were enrolled in the Ashbul (Young Lions) movement to provide them with some military training, I always asked what they thought about Jews. Invariably they would mention the names of Jews they had been taught about who were friends of the Arabs.

9. With regard to the Middle East, one only has to read the excellent books written by the former correspondents there, like Kennet Love’s SUEZ; THE TWICE FOUGHT WAR (McGraw-Hill, 1969) and Donald Neff’s WARRIORS AT SUEZ (Simon & Schuster, 1981; Amana Books, 1988), WARRIORS FOR JERUSALEM (Simon & Schuster, 1984; Amana Books, 1988) and WARRIORS AGAINST ISRAEL (Amana Books, 1988) to recognize how much important material and how many valuable insights they had to offer that did not get into the columns of, respectively, the New York Times and TIME. It is a national tragedy that they are not reporting from the Middle East today, and a national disgrace that their thinking on the situations there is not featured prominently in the mass media.

10. University of Alberta Press and Ramparts Press, 1985.

11. San Francisco Weekly, July 29, 1992.

12. San Francisco Weekly, August 19, 1992.

13. Village Voice, May 11, 1993, page 30, and American View, Feb. 15, 1993, page 7, column 2.

14. Donald I. Fine, New York, 1988.

15. Forster, pp. 63-64, for example.

16. Square One, page 187, line 9.

17. Village Voice, New York, May 11, 1993, page 30, column 4.

18. Quoted in an ABC News documentary.

19. Village Voice, New York, May 11, 1993, Page 29, column 1.

20. April 15, 1993 issue.

21. San Francisco Examiner, May 11, 1993, Page A-1 and A-10. This fact was also omitted from a New York Times (National Edition) article, page 13, of April 25, 1993 on Bullock’s spying.

22. For example, National Public Radio’s May 13, 1993 report by Sally Eisele mentioned the ADL only once in its three-and-a-half-minute account and then merely as an organization to which “Bullock is alleged to have sold information...about Arab-American groups and various political organizations.” Bullock himself is described as “a local art dealer,” with not a word about his being on the ADL payroll for ever 30 years.

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