U.S. Aid to Israel and to PalestiniansThe U.S. provides Israel more than $10.8 million* in military
aid per day,
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| Category | Amount |
|---|---|
| Foreign Military Financing grant | $3,300,000,000 |
| Cooperative missile defense | $500,000,000 |
| Other bilateral defense programs | $122,500,000 |
| Refugee, energy, and health programs | $15,000,000 |
| Military equipment and other recorded payments | $10,792,558 |
| Total | $3,948,292,558 |
Foreign Military Financing grant
Source: CRS, updated May 28, 2025
Cooperative missile defense
Source: Department of Defense FY2025 funding tables
Other bilateral defense programs
Source: Department of Defense
Refugee, energy, and health programs
Sources: White House budget appendix, Department of Energy, CDC
Military equipment and other recorded payments
Source: ForeignAssistance.gov transaction records.
The United States spends more on military aid to Israel than to any other country. Israel receives this extraordinary amount of money even though it is the 22nd wealthiest country in the world.
United States incurred approximately $8.06 billion to $10.46 billion in documented and estimated indirect costs connected to its relationship with Israel during FY2025. This includes regional military operations associated with the Gaza war, Iran, and Houthi attacks, plus assistance to countries involved in maintaining Arab-Israeli peace arrangements.
These operations arose from regional escalation tied to Israel’s war in Gaza and the U.S. commitment to defend Israel. Their costs—including bombing campaigns, carrier deployments, missile interceptions, equipment losses, and logistics—were borne by U.S. taxpayers.
Combined, the direct and indirect costs amounted to approximately $32.9 million to $39.5 million every day in FY2025.
| Category | Amount |
|---|---|
| Regional military operations | $4.80–$7.20 billion |
| Aid connected to regional peace and security arrangements | $3.259 billion |
| Estimated indirect total | $8.06–$10.46 billion |
Regional military operations
Source: Brown University Costs of War.
Aid connected to regional peace and security arrangements
Sources: Egypt: Background and U.S. Relations (CRS), Jordan: Background and U.S. Relations (CRS), FY2025 apportionment
A note about our methodology: Calculating the full cost of U.S. support for Israel is extremely difficult because no single government source provides a complete total. Funding is scattered among numerous agencies and programs, sometimes under multiyear authority, while public records may report proposals, authorizations, appropriations, allocations, obligations, disbursements, statutory minimums or ceilings, and actual expenditures—figures that are not interchangeable or always additive. Other support takes the form of equipment transfers, loan guarantees, contracts, joint programs that only partly support Israel, and regional military operations whose connection to Israel requires careful assessment. We have reviewed official records and credible secondary sources, identified estimates and uncertain items wherever possible, and made every effort to present factual, accurate figures without counting the same funds more than once.
For aid to Palestinians, see here.
For aid to Israel in previous years, see below.
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In addition to this direct aid to Israel:
Like many government policies, this disbursement of U.S. tax money is not because it serves American interests, but instead is the result of special interest lobbying.
Unlike other regular recipients of U.S. military assistance, Israel has a standing exception allowing part of its Foreign Military Financing grant to be used for defense articles, services, and research and development procured in Israel. Under the previous aid agreement, Israel could use as much as 26.3 percent of its FMF this way. The current agreement is phasing out this exception: for FY2025, Congress designated "not less than" $450.3 million—13.6 percent of Israel’s $3.3 billion FMF grant—for procurement in Israel. The allowance is scheduled to fall to $250.3 million in FY2026 and FY2027 and to zero in FY2028. CRS has described Israel as the only FMF recipient with this regular domestic-procurement privilege.
Ending OSP will not necessarily end Israeli defense firms’ access to contracts financed by U.S. military aid. CRS reports that Israeli arms manufacturers have already established U.S. subsidiaries and production partnerships; qualifying U.S.-incorporated entities can receive FMF-financed contracts with Israel, subject to U.S. approval. This integration is increasingly reflected in federal law: the FY2025 NDAA directed the Pentagon to seek a partnership intended to expand market opportunities for U.S.- and Israeli-based defense-technology companies, while the FY2026 NDAA required a working group to study greater integration of the two countries’ defense industries and Israel’s possible inclusion in the U.S. National Technology and Industrial Base.
Thanks in part to this indirect U.S. subsidy, Israel’s arms industry has become one of the strongest in the world, and competes with US companies. Between 2001 and 2008, Israel was the 7th largest arms supplier to the world, selling $9.9 billion worth of equipment. And it continues to grow stronger. In 2021, Israel sold $11.3 billion in military goods to other countries.
The former assistant Secretary of Defense from 2007 to 2009 asked, "How inexplicable is it that we are competing against the Israelis in the Indian defense procurement market at the same time we are subsidizing the Israeli defense industry?"
By all accounts the United States has given more money to Israel than to any other country. According to the Congressional Research Service, as of January 2023, in constant 2021 U.S. dollars (inflation-adjusted), total U.S. aid to Israel obligated from 1946-2023 is an estimated $260 billion.
Cumulative US foreign assistance obligations between 1946 and 2022 to the top ten recipients. Inflation-adjusted to 2022 dollars. (source)
** Fiscal Year 2025:
In FY2025, the United States disbursed at least $679,071,222 in assistance traceable to Palestinians and Palestinian humanitarian efforts.
Of this total, $506.87 million was humanitarian assistance providing food, healthcare, shelter, water and sanitation, protection, and aid-delivery support amid the Gaza war, Israeli military operations, mass displacement, destruction, and restrictions on humanitarian access. Another $172.20 million supported health, education, economic development, governance, nonlethal security programs, and administration.
Breakdown
| Category | Amount |
|---|---|
| Humanitarian aid recorded under West Bank and Gaza | $323,969,427 |
| Palestinian humanitarian aid recorded under regional or neighboring-country accounts | $182,900,942 |
| Other West Bank and Gaza assistance | $172,200,853 |
| Total | $679,071,222 |
The money was generally paid to NGOs, UN agencies, contractors, and other organizations delivering or administering assistance—not handed directly to Hamas or the Palestinian Authority.
Important context: This assistance should not be mistaken for a comparable benefit voluntarily bestowed on Palestinians. Most of it—particularly the $506.9 million in humanitarian spending—was required at its present scale because of Israel’s war on Gaza and its occupation and blockade of Palestinian territories. It paid for food, medical treatment, shelter, sanitation, and other emergency needs amid widespread starvation, malnutrition, disease, injury, displacement, destruction, and death. Much of this spending is therefore better understood as the cost of responding to human suffering created by Israeli policies and military operations—operations the United States simultaneously supports with weapons and billions of dollars in military aid.
Sources: ForeignAssistance.gov West Bank/Gaza data, regional humanitarian transactions, and State Department OIG, CRS, USAID OIG
Fiscal Year 2024:
In FY2024, the United States disbursed approximately $1.164 billion in humanitarian aid to Palestinian relief efforts.
Sources: OFFICE OF INSPECTOR GENERAL, U.S. Agency for International Development
For additional information see: The Congressional Research Service's Report The Palestinians: Overview, Aid, and U.S. Policy Issues, (Updated January 24, 2024), “U.S. Foreign Aid to the Palestinians”, written by Jim Zanotti, Analyst in Middle Eastern Affairs, dated May 18, 2018; U.S. Resumption of Foreign Aid to the Palestinians, April 14, 2021; and The Palestinians: Background and U.S. Relations, October 27, 2022.
The U.S. government has never provided Palestinians with military aid. "The Department of Defense Appropriations Act, 2015 (H.R. 4870), which passed the House in June 2014, contained provisions that would prohibit funds made available by the act from being obligated to the PA (§10033) or from being used to transfer weapons to the PA (§10024)."
Aid to Palestinians is largely designated for humanitarian and development needs that result from the Israeli occupation and to the Palestinian Authority for policing on behalf of Israel. Such funds are only authorized once Congress has received proof that they will be used for "non-lethal assistance." The most recent CRS report on Palestinian aid states that Palestinian groups received $225 million in economic assistance and $42 million for non-lethal security for FY 2023.
Regarding U.S. aid to the Palestinian Authority, many Palestinian experts assert that the support actually helps Israel maintain its illegal occupation of Palestinian land. "Security collaboration" between the PA and Israel means that Palestinian police are being outsourced to monitor and respond to Palestinians resisting the Israeli occupation or protesting against Israel's assaults on Gaza.
In addition, much of the "humanitarian aid" is dispensed on behalf of Israel.
(Source)
(For expenditures on behalf of Israel, go here.)
The U.S. Agency for International Development (USAID) has provided the Palestinian people with some indirect economic assistance through funds distributed to U.S.-based NGOs operating in the West Bank and Gaza. According to CRS, "Funds are allocated in this program for projects in sectors such as humanitarian assistance, economic development, democratic reform, improving water access and other infrastructure, health care, education, and vocational training." The program is subject to a vetting process and to yearly audits...
Since its creation in 1949, the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA) has received financial backing from each presidential administration, whether Democrat or Republican. The UNRWA “provides food, shelter, medical care, and education for many of the original refugees from the 1947-1949 Arab-Israeli war and their families—now comprising approximately 5 million Palestinians in Jordan, Syria, Lebanon, the West Bank, and Gaza." (Learn more about Palestinian refugees.)
UPDATE: On January 26, 2024, the Biden Administration temporarily “paused” all U.S. funding to the United Nations Relief and Works Agency for Palestine Refugees in the Near East (UNRWA), citing allegations (without evidence) that 12 UNRWA employees (out of a staff of 13,000 in Gaza) were involved in the October 7, 2023 attacks.
Though the United States’ yearly allocation to the UNRWA typically amounted to less than one tenth of its military aid to Israel each year, the funds nonetheless made up nearly a third of the agency’s annual budget. In August of 2018, the Trump administration’s State Department issued a press release announcing an indefinite cessation of all UNRWA funding from the United States effective immediately, a decision described by the UN Commissioner-General as the agency’s “greatest financial crisis in its history.” UNRWA funding resumed under the Biden administration in 2021.
Additionally, "about $50 million in US assistance to the Palestinians does not flow directly to the PA but instead to Israel, which uses the money in part to pay off Palestinian debts to Israeli service providers such as electricity companies."
U.S. aid to the PA also makes it easier and cheaper for Israel to spend its own US aid on security for its Jewish-only settlements built on confiscated Palestinian land, which is illegal under international law. Recent research has shown that at least 78% of international aid money to the West Bank and Gaza ends up in Israel's economy.
Fiscal Year 2024:
Sources: The Hill, International Jewish News, C-SPAN, AIPAC
From October 7, 2023 through September 30, 2024, the U.S. gave Israel a total of at least $17.9 billion. This works out to $49,041,095.89 per day. The Watson Institute document reports the following specifics:
For Fiscal Year 2023, according to the 2023 CRS report, "U.S. Foreign Aid to Israel," the United States gave Israel at least $3.3 billion in direct bilateral military aid – also referred to as Foreign Military Financing or FMF. (Note: Israel earns interest on this money until it is spent.) Congress also authorized $500 million for "joint" U.S.-Israel missile defense programs (designed to protect Israeli territory from potential outside threats), and $98.58 million in funding for other cooperative defense and nondefense programs, bringing total military aid to Israel to at least $3.9 billion per year.
Put another way, American taxpayers gave Israel more than $10.7 million per day in 2023.
For Fiscal Year 2022, the US gave Israel $3.3 billion in direct bilateral military aid. Congress also authorized $1.5 billion for "joint" U.S.-Israel missile defense programs, bringing total military aid to Israel to $4.8 billion for the year.
Previous charts compared military aid to the two populations, and explained the overall situation on this source page. Since we found some people were confused by the chart, we have now changed it to include humanitarian aid to the Palestinians and explained it in this source page.
Last updated: 8/19/2026
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